Key takeaways:

• The persistent gender wage gap widened slightly in 2025; women were paid 18.6% less than men on average after controlling for race and ethnicity, education, age, marital status, and state.
• Women are paid less than men across all education levels. Women with a graduate degree earn less, on average, than men with only a college degree.

• The gender pay gap worsened following a year of Trump administration attacks on workers, including cuts to the federal workforce; attacks on diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts; ordering mass deportations; and undermining child care and home care providers.
• States can narrow the gender pay gap with policies that guarantee access to paid family and medical leave, mandate pay transparency, raise the minimum wage, and make it easier for workers to form unions.

March 26 is Equal Pay Day, a reminder that there is still a significant pay gap between men and women in our country. The date represents how far into 2026 women would have to work on top of the hours they worked in 2025 simply to match what men were paid in 2025.

On an hourly basis, women were paid 18.6% less on average than men in 2025, after controlling for race and ethnicity, education, age, marital status, and state. After narrowing to a series low of 18.0% in 2024—likely driven by a strong labor market recovery from the COVID-19 recession that lifted wages more at the lower end of the overall wage distribution—the gender wage gap widened slightly in 2025. Though far from a total reversal of the last few years’ progress, the slight worsening in 2025 reflects the slowing of low-end wage growth and the economic consequences of Trump’s first year back in office.

Women are paid less than men due to discrimination associated with occupational segregation, devaluation of women’s work, and societal norms, much of which takes root well before women enter the labor market. The wage gap is smallest among lower-wage workers partly because the minimum wage creates a wage floor. At the 10th percentile, women are paid $1.39 (or 9.1%) less an hour than men, while the wage gap at the middle is $4.12 an hour (or 14.7%). Women at the 90th percentile of their wage distribution are paid $14.05 (or 19.6%) less an hour than men at the 90th percentile of the wage distribution.

Women are paid less than men at every education level

Although women have seen gains in educational attainment over the last five decades, they still face a significant wage gap. Among workers, women slightly outnumber men in the college-educated labor force and are significantly more likely to obtain a graduate degree than men. Even so, women are paid less than men at every education level, as shown in Figure A.

Figure A

Among workers who have only a high school diploma, women are paid 21.5% less than men. Among workers who have a college degree, women are paid 23.8% less than men. That gap of $12.07 per hour translates to roughly $25,100 lower annual earnings for a full-time worker. Women with an advanced degree also experience a significant hourly wage gap of $17.70 in 2025, amounting to over $36,800 annually.

What the data makes very clear is that women cannot educate themselves out of the gender wage gap. Systemic inequities are so persistent that women with advanced degrees are paid less per hour, on average, than men with only college degrees. Men with a college degree only are paid $50.61 per hour on average compared with $49.67 for women with an advanced degree.

Black and Hispanic women experience the largest wage gaps

For Black and Hispanic women, the pay gaps relative to white men are even larger due to compounded discrimination and occupational segregation based on both gender and race/ethnicity. In Figure B, we compare middle wages—or the 50th percentile of each group’s wage distribution—for Asian American/Pacific Islander (AAPI), Black, Hispanic, and white women with that of white men.1

White and AAPI women are paid 81.9% and 93.3%, respectively, of the amount non-Hispanic white men are paid. Black women are paid only 68.3% of white men’s wages at the middle, down from 69.6% in 2024. This is a gap of $9.87 on an hourly basis, which translates to roughly $20,500 lower annual earnings for a full-time worker. For Hispanic women, the gap is even larger: Hispanic women are paid only 64.5% of white men’s wages, an hourly wage gap of $11.06. For a full-time worker, that gap is over $23,000 a year. This disparity has also risen slightly compared with last year.

Figure B

Even when controlling for age, education, marital status, and state of residence, Black and Hispanic women are paid 25.3% and 27.4% less than their white male counterparts, respectively. In other words, very little of the observed difference in pay is explained by differences in education, experience, or regional economic conditions.

Trump administration policies exacerbate lower pay and make it harder to enforce antidiscrimination laws

Over the last year, the Trump administration has repeatedly taken actions that harm women workers, including:

• slashing the federal workforce;
• weaponizing agencies meant to defend workers and combat discrimination by turning them into defenders of discriminatory practices;
• eliminating enforcement of race- and gender-based equal employment practices for federal contractors;
• ordering mass deportations;
• undermining child care providers and vital state funds;
• limiting access to funding for higher education;
• rolling back protections for home care workers; and
• normalizing harassment and retaliation in the workplace.

Black and Hispanic women have endured and will continue to suffer the consequences of these attacks more intensely than many of their white, non-Hispanic male colleagues. Trump’s reckless decimation of the federal workforce, for instance, has disproportionately affected Black women, for whom government jobs have historically been a powerful tool for economic mobility and security. In 2025, Black women’s employment rate fell by 1.4 percentage points to 55.7%. This is one of the sharpest one-year declines in the last 25 years and is a much more dramatic drop than that of other women or Black men. College-educated Black women experienced the largest drop in employment, likely because nearly half of Black federal government workers have a bachelor’s degree or higher. This drop in well-paid, traditionally stable jobs will almost certainly lead to increased economic insecurity. Additionally, mass deportations will likely reduce jobs for both immigrant and U.S.-born women, particularly in the care sector, disproportionately impacting Hispanic women.

The Trump administration has also stifled the government’s ability to protect workers and penalize discriminatory employers. The restriction of the use of words like “gender,” “race,” “equity,” and “discrimination,” and attempts to weaponize the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) against women and workers of color will harm all workers, while weakening our ability to track pay equity and enforce nondiscrimination laws. Staffing levels at the EEOC have fallen steadily over the last four decades, but recent funding cuts and shifting priorities will exacerbate its already reduced capacity for enforcement. There have also been ongoing threats to the availability and continued collection of key data throughout federal agencies. If agencies that collect data on wages and incomes by demographic characteristics pull back, it would be a disaster for anyone—policymakers, researchers, employers, or workers—who wants basic facts about how well the economy is performing for different workers and different sectors.

Despite federal threats, states can help close the gender pay gap

Closing pay gaps by gender and by race and ethnicity will require policy solutions on multiple fronts. Although attacks on gender and racial equity continue at the federal level, state lawmakers can and must take steps to address the gender wage gap. Potential solutions include enacting pay transparency laws, mandating Paid Family and Medical Leave (PFML), raising the minimum wage, funding universal child care, and removing anti-worker, so-called “right-to-work” (RTW) statutes. Figure C highlights the states that have already passed some of these critical pieces of legislation, while underscoring the need for strong federal standards to cover the millions of workers who live outside of these states.

Figure C

Only 14 states have mandatory, comprehensive PFML policies, even though they provide essential benefits that help workers maintain their livelihoods while taking care of themselves and their families. Studies show that access to PFML improves outcomes for parents and children, workforce participation, and job retention, and that this a beneficial policy for both employees and employers. Access to paid leave is also shown to bridge racial gaps in care and pay.

Pay transparency laws are another useful tool that prevents employers from offering unequal pay by requiring them to include wage information in job postings. While there is some variation in laws, all include some requirement that employers provide salary information in job postings, but employers in Connecticut, Maryland, and Rhode Island only must furnish that information if requested by applicants. This wage transparency has the potential to reduce gender-based discrimination by arming jobseekers with more information and limiting employers’ ability to pay different amounts to similarly qualified candidates. A Colorado pay transparency law, for example, reduced gender wage gaps for workers who changed jobs by as much as 8.9%.

Policymakers effectively stopped protecting workers’ rights to form unions and bargain collectively starting in the 1980s, resulting in less leverage for workers and increased income inequality. Weak labor law allows employers to retaliate against union organizing and undermine workers’ right to collectively bargain. Union contracts can help narrow gender and racial wage gaps by providing clear wages for a given level of experience and education, reducing employers’ ability to discriminate in wage setting. Unfortunately, 26 states have RTW laws that make it even harder for unions to effectively organize and bargain for better contracts. States with these laws not only have lower unionization rates but also have wider gender wage gaps. By making it easier for workers to form unions, policymakers can help reduce these pay gaps.

The minimum wage keeps wages from falling below a mandated floor. While the real value of the federal minimum wage has been allowed to decline, down nearly $5 an hour since its peak in 1968, states have stepped in and increased their minimum wage. As of January 2026, 30 states and D.C. have minimum wages higher than the federal minimum, covering more than half of U.S. workers. Since women are disproportionately found in the low-wage workforce, these laws are key to increasing their economic security and narrowing wage gaps at the lower end of the wage distribution.

Although there is no single policy that will close the wage gap, each of these solutions will narrow it and improve conditions for workers across the country. In his first year back in office, Trump has rolled back critical labor standards, decimated federal unions, and laid off tens of thousands of federal workers. Now, more than ever, it is critical that states step up to protect workers under attack, prevent the gender wage gap from expanding, and build an equitable economy that works for all. 

1. Race/ethnicity categories are mutually exclusive in this analysis. Here we denote white to mean white non-Hispanic, Black is Black non-Hispanic, Asian American/Pacific Islander (AAPI) are AAPI non-Hispanic, and Hispanic refers to Hispanic of any race.

Key takeaways:

• Ballot initiatives have enabled voters to advance worker-centered policies—like higher minimum wages—in states with hostile legislatures, particularly in the South.
• A coordinated, right-wing legislative attack on ballot initiative processes is attempting to reverse ballot initiative wins, scare advocates out of using the ballot process, and make it harder to get future measures on the ballot that improve standards for workers.
• Despite these barriers, advocates and voters are fighting back to protect pro-worker ballot access and advance new progressive ballot measures.

In recent years, state ballot initiatives have served as powerful tools to advance economic opportunity for working families. Voters directly have raised the minimum wage, secured paid sick leave, protected abortion access, enacted bail reform, expanded Medicaid, and increased funding for public education—all popular progressive economic policies that some state legislatures have failed to enact. However, some conservative state legislatures have responded by overturning or limiting recent wins. And in the few Southern states where voters can access ballot measures—Arkansas, Florida, and Oklahoma—conservative legislators are waging war against the ballot initiative process itself, attempting to obstruct the will of voters and make it permanently more difficult for the public to directly decide on policy choices.

Why ballot initiatives are important for advancing economic opportunity

Ballot initiatives are a form of direct democracy in which voters have the power to decide on a proposed new law or constitutional amendment. Currently, 26 states and the District of Columbia offer voters access to ballot measures in some form, as do many more localities.

While more than half of the country has access to some form of direct democracy, ballot access is heavily concentrated in Western and Northern states. Only three states in the Deep South—Arkansas, Florida, and Oklahoma—effectively have ballot initiative processes. Attacks on the ballot process are intensifying in each of these states.

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Ballot initiatives are more important than ever for advancing worker-centered policies that both Congress and state legislatures have failed to enact despite clear voter support. For example, Republican lawmakers have repeatedly blocked legislative proposals to increase the minimum wage (federally and in many states) despite the popularity of increasing the minimum wage and the positive impacts it has on workers and families. In the absence of federal action, 30 states, the District of Columbia, and almost 70 localities have adopted minimum wages above the federal minimum of $7.25 per hour. Of these states, 43% (13 states) used ballot measures to secure the increase. An additional three states used direct democracy to increase minimum wages that already exceeded the federal floor.

Ballot measures have been especially critical to achieving minimum wage increases in Southern states like Arkansas and Florida. Only four other states in the South—Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and West Virginia—have increased their minimum wages via legislation likely due to higher minimum wages in neighboring states or Democratic legislative majorities.

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Paid leave laws have remained similarly scarce across the South. Of the 18 states with some form of statewide paid sick leave, only one—Maryland—is in the South. Attempts to expand paid leave access in Southern states have so far been limited to narrow state legislation covering only some public employees, or local efforts threatened with state preemption, demonstrating the need for ballot initiatives.  

Right-wing attempts to weaken direct democracy in the South

In response to the success of progressive ballot measures, right-wing lawmakers have launched attacks on direct democracy, particularly in the South.  

Opponents of ballot access have especially targeted the signature process to delay or block measures from reaching the ballot. This strategy arose in Mississippi via a court challenge to a 2020 ballot initiative allowing the use of medical marijuana, which 74% of voters approved. As advocates including the Mississippi NAACP were building support for new ballot measures to expand Medicaid, the courts struck down the ballot process. Even though Mississippi’s Constitution guarantees voters access to ballot initiatives, the state Supreme Court ruled that no ballot initiative could be valid because of outdated constitutional language establishing the signature rules. (The old rules do not account for the lower number of congressional districts in Mississippi after redistricting, making it impossible to reach the signature threshold to put a measure on the ballot.)  

Following the Mississippi blueprint, direct democracy opponents in other Southern states have begun to challenge the signature process. After Arkansas voters passed minimum wage increases through ballot measures, the Arkansas legislature passed new state laws that could empower the state attorney general to invalidate a request for signatures because of the title of the measure. If and when the signature process begins, a host of laws make it much more difficult for canvassers to collect signatures. Canvassers must now confirm the voter reads the ballot title, inform voters that petition fraud is a crime, check voter identification, and file an affidavit stating they have complied with all laws. Scare tactics directed at both petition canvassers and signers make it harder to collect signatures out of fear that exercising their constitutional rights may lead to imprisonment.

Following minimum wage increases that passed via ballot measures, the Florida legislature followed a similar strategy of restricting the signature process for citizen-led constitutional amendments. Their legislation excludes people with felonies, people without citizenship, and non-Florida residents from being canvassers. It also requires canvassers to register with the state or face a third-degree felony charge which could be punishable by up to five years in prison. Once the signatures are collected, the law also requires the sponsor to deliver the petitions within 10 days after a voter signs, as opposed to once all signatures are collected. These restrictions deeply limit the number of people who can collect signatures and add burdensome labor to the petition sponsor by requiring frequent trips to deliver the petitions. In 2025, advocates met the signature threshold to put recreational cannabis on the ballot, but the new laws invalidated over 70,000 signatures and prevented the measure from reaching voters.  

Finally, conservative lawmakers in Oklahoma have launched attacks on the ballot process. Oklahoma organizers have already secured the signatures for a 2026 ballot measure to increase the minimum wage. In response, lawmakers attacked the signature process, restricting the share of eligible voters who can sign initiative petitions per county and consequently weakening the influence of voters in the most populous counties like Oklahoma and Tulsa counties. The Oklahoma Policy Institute explains that this new requirement would “exclude 2.2 million registered voters (or 94.4% of registered voters) from signing a petition for statutory amendments.” The restriction also has racial implications with Tulsa County home to 23% of Black Oklahomans and Oklahoma County home to 41% of Black Oklahomans. Compounding the new restrictions, the law also gives the secretary of state the authority to determine the legality of a proposal. The new law also requires that paid petitioners disclose their employer to the secretary of state and prohibits paying canvassers with out-of-state funding or based on the amount of signatures they collect, among other tactics to invoke fear.

Overall, these new petition processes can make signature collection more costly due to administrative barriers that only allow the most well-funded campaigns to have any chance of making the ballot. Consequently, the process now lends itself to causes backed by corporate interests or wealthy supporters which may not reflect the needs of average voters, contradicting the goals of ballot access policies intended to democratize decision-making.

Despite attacks, voters are still fighting to launch ballot initiative campaigns and protect direct democracy

Despite growing attacks on the ballot process, organizing across the country—and in the South—persists. In June 2026, Oklahoma State Question 832 will be on the ballot, proposing to gradually increase the minimum wage to $15 per hour by 2029. In Florida, ballot measures proposing various constitutional amendments are moving forward to expand Medicaid, legalize recreational use of marijuana, and codify the right to clean and healthy water.

Advocates are also organizing to protect the constitutional right to ballot access itself. Arkansas Public Policy Panel and the Protect AR Rights coalition continue to fight back and win against new restrictions on ballot measures, filing lawsuits and proposing a new ballot question that would make ballot access a “fundamental right.” Their new ballot question was approved in July 2025, clearing one of the last barriers for signature collection. In Oklahoma, advocates have filed two lawsuits opposing new restrictions on ballot measures—especially the state’s ability to disrupt the signature collection process—and are awaiting a decision from the state’s Supreme Court.

Voters are similarly fighting back in states where legislators have rolled back successful pro-worker ballot measures. In response to the Nebraska legislature weakening a new paid sick leave law won via ballot measure, the Respect Nebraska Voters coalition is organizing for a new ballot measure to make it more difficult for the legislature to reverse the will of voters. Missouri legislators repealed parts of a successful ballot measure that established paid sick leave and attached a cost-of-living increase to the minimum wage. Voter outrage over the legislative betrayal has “kicked the hornet’s nest,” according to the bipartisan Respect Missouri Voters coalition, which recently submitted over 20 versions of new petitions to protect ballot initiatives. If implemented, these petitions would require an 80% legislative majority to overturn a successful ballot initiative law or constitutional amendment, prohibit barriers to signature collection, allow corrections to misleading ballot language, and add other ballot protections.

The essence of ballot access is the will of the people becoming law. Despite legislative efforts to obstruct direct democracy, Southern advocates and voters continue to push for the voice of everyday people to be heard and for policies that improve the lives of workers and their family members.